Lessons from Israel’s attack on Qatar

Israel’s attack on Qatar was as outrageous as it was educational. Aside from showing, yet again, that Israel is a threat to the entire Muslim world, it revealed that America’s military presence in the region is not meant to protect its Arab allies, but to subjugate and control them. Most concerning of all, it underscored the enduring weakness of Muslim nations and their inability to adequately respond to Israel’s crimes. The implications of these revelations, once their import fully reverberates through the region, could be profound.

Lesson 1: Israel represents an existential threat to the entire Muslim world:

The strike on Doha was only the latest in a series of brazen Israeli attacks over the past two years. In addition to leveling Gaza and paving the way to annex the West Bank, Israeli forces have invaded and occupied parts of Syria and Lebanon while repeatedly attacking both hundreds of times. They have also launched several devastating attacks on Yemen and Iran. The recent attack on a flotilla of unarmed vessels near Tunisia and the attack against Qatar, brings the total number of countries it has struck to seven. 

Israeli leaders are reported to have contemplated similar strikes against Egypt and Turkey. These reports, when combined with the long list of countries it has already attacked, suggest Israel has intelligence cells collecting targeting data throughout the Muslim world and that no part of it is safe.

In addition to its military operations, Israel has been selling weapons to fuel conflicts across the region and beyond. It is arming the Druze and Kurds in Syria as part of its plan to partition the country. It is also supplying advanced weapons to Cyprus to counter Turkey and arming India in its confrontation with Pakistan. Many of the drones used to attack Pakistan during India’s ill-conceived Operation Sindoor this past May were purchased from Israel. The missile defense system sold to Cyprus is also designed to collect sensitive information about Turkey’s military and appears to be part of a broader effort to support Greek and Cypriot designs on northern Cyprus. 

These military strikes and weapons sales are all part of a long term plan to ensure no Muslim state has the capacity or desire to oppose Israel’s plans to ethnically cleanse and annex Gaza and the West Bank. The attack on Doha was intended to show that any Muslim state foolish enough to interfere with these goals, even through solely diplomatic channels, will be targeted. 

If Israel’s leaders are successful, the consequences for the Muslim world will be catastrophic. Aside from destroying what little remains of Palestine, the ethnic cleansing of Gaza and the West Bank will also flood Egypt, Jordan, and Lebanon with millions of refugees, destabilizing all three nations in the process. This could very easily spell the end of both the Hashemite and Sisi dynasties while reigniting a civil war in Lebanon. 

Similarly, Israel’s plans to dismember Syria will destabilize much of the Levant, Anatolia, and Mesopotamia, while cruelly prolonging the suffering of the Syrian people who have already had to endure decades of dictatorship and civil war. Finally, its desire to topple Iran’s government will unleash anarchy in Pakistan, Turkey, Central Asia, the Caucasus, Iraq, and the Gulf.

In their quest to create a Jewish homeland where Palestinians truly do not exist, Israel’s messianic rulers are willing to plunge much of the region into chaos. Their plans amount to a declaration of war against nearly the entire Muslim world while their nuclear weapons and fanatical worldviews make this declaration an existential threat to all its nations. 

Lesson 2: America’s military posture in the region is not meant to protect its Arab allies but to assert control over them:

The attack on Qatar was particularly shocking because it is a key American ally and host to an important US military base. Over the years, the Qatari government has spent $26 billion on American weaponry, part of which was used to build an air defense system that is operated and controlled by America. This system was meant to protect it from the sort of attack Israel launched against it by integrating Qatar with America’s regional defense network. But instead of protecting its supposed ally, America stood by and allowed the attack to proceed. 

No American officials even bothered to warn Qatar’s leaders until the attack was already under way. The WSJ did its best to create a narrative that absolved America of its culpability. However, due to Washington’s control over the region’s air space, these claims strain credulity. The only logical conclusion, given its robust early warning capabilities, is that America approved of and facilitated Israel’s attack.

In the aftermath, the Trump administration sent Secretary of State Rubio to Israel to show solidarity with indicted war criminal Benjamin Netanyahu by praying with him at the Western Wall. Meanwhile, Ambassador Mike Huckabee explained Israel is America’s only “true partner” in the region and can do as it pleases. These responses are just as revealing as the attack itself. 

They show America’s military “alliance” with Qatar is a mechanism meant to establish a form of neo-imperial military control over it, not protect it. America does not provide Qatar with security, but uses it to further its geopolitical interests. These include establishing military control over the Arab states, in part, to ensure Israel remains the region’s dominant military power and has the freedom to attack any of them. 

Israel’s attack exposed the absurd contradictions that govern the region’s American imposed security architecture. Israel can attack and endanger America’s Arab allies because it is a “true partner” in the crusade to subjugate the Muslim world. The leaders of those Arab states that have capitulated, on the other hand, are merely vassals from a vanquished enemy tribe. Their continued hold on power is contingent on submission, even in the face of direct attacks on their territory. 

Lesson 3: The Muslim world is too weak and divided to challenge Israel or its American backers: 

The Muslim world’s response, or lack thereof, showed exactly why Israel has been able to act with impunity for so long. Its leaders gathered in Doha to express their shock and indignation. Nearly all of them were justifiably concerned that by openly demonstrating their impotence to their own people, these developments threatened their grip on power. They had every right to be upset. Aside from those who rule Yemen and Iran, they had already done everything in their power to either facilitate or ignore Israel’s crimes. Nevertheless, their anger did not lead to action. 

There was a great deal of talk about creating a collective security organization similar to NATO. Egypt, sensing the threat to its Sinai region, proposed an Arab defense force. However, this effort failed to gather support due to a leadership dispute with Saudi Arabia. Qatar and the UAE also opposed the idea, preferring to rely on assurances from the Trump administration that it would restrain Israel. They also objected to any proposals involving coordinated action with Turkey or Iran. As a result, the summit did more to highlight the Muslim world’s divisions than bring it together. It produced nothing more than scathing press releases and empty statements about international law and the need for unity.

This inaction was an admission of weakness and a recognition of their total dependence on America to equip and operate their militaries. Every single member of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) features arsenals full of the latest American military hardware. Keeping this equipment operational requires a constant flow of spare parts and American technical expertise. As detailed by the Washington Post in the fall of 2022, the Saudi and Emirati militaries rely on hundreds of retired American military personnel to perform critical logistical and operational roles. Without this extensive support, their militaries would be crippled within days.

This dependence stems from a widespread lack of indigenous technical and industrial capabilities. Even countries with powerful militaries like Pakistan, Turkey, and Iran, still rely on external suppliers for their most advanced weapons. Thus, collective military action was never a serious option.

There were, however, a range of diplomatic and economic tools available to pressure Israel or its supporters in America, the UK, Germany, and India. They could have withdrawn their ambassadors, suspended trade, cut off intelligence sharing, halted arms purchases, or denied access to their airspace. Any one of these steps, if coordinated among a majority of the world’s 57 Islamic nations, could have imposed a meaningful cost and prompted Israel’s allies to reconsider their uncritical support. But none of these measures were taken.

While the lack of military action reflects their industrial and technical weaknesses, the refusal to take any diplomatic or economic steps reveals a lack of political will. This refusal to act, even in the face of mortal danger, is yet another symptom of the Muslim world’s authoritarian political systems. These are primarily designed to keep their rulers in power by repressing their own citizens, not protect their nations from outside threats. Unfortunately, their inaction was not the least bit surprising. It was merely a continuation of the same dynamics that allowed America to establish its dominance over the region in the first place.

During its war on “terror,” the US conquered Afghanistan and then Iraq with lightening speed, simultaneously occupied both for several years and waged a clandestine war throughout various Muslim nations like Pakistan, Yemen and Somalia. America’s assault was characterized by a total lack of regard for borders, human rights, or the sanctity of life. According to Brown University, the chaos unleashed by its violence killed 4.5 million people. Despite these outrages, no Muslim states took any overt steps to stop these crimes either. 

Israel’s current offensive is, in many ways, a continuation of America’s previous assault. It shows that without serious changes, the pattern of violence will never end. The enhanced military pact announced by Saudi Arabia and Pakistan shortly after the summit hints at emerging strategic shifts, but the lack of immediate action ensures Israel’s crimes will go unchallenged for the foreseeable future. 

America’s assault helped trigger the Arab Spring and the collapse of regimes in Tunisia, Libya, Syria, Yemen, and Egypt. It is too early to accurately forecast how Israel’s violence will reverberate. What is certain is that it is only a matter of time before the next massacre or sensational attack and that the cumulative toll of this violence will have lasting and unforeseen consequences. It is very likely that by refusing to take any action against Israel, many of the region’s leaders are unwittingly planting the seeds of their own demise. The leaders of the GCC survived the shocks of the Arab Spring. It is too early to tell if they can survive the far more violent storms that will inevitably follow Israel’s rampage. 

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America is Pakistan’s enemy, not its friend

On the surface, the world’s geopolitical sands always appear to be shifting, leading states to constantly realign their policies and alliances. However, due to the unchanging nature of geography and the slow, cumulative effects of cultural, idealogical, technological, and economic developments on political systems, states have core interests that rarely change. As a result, many geopolitical “shifts” are often more illusion than reality.

Pakistan’s fluctuating relationship with the United States exemplifies these dynamics perfectly. During the Cold War, the US was one of Pakistan’s closest allies and leading arms suppliers. Cracks in the relationship began to emerge during the late 1970s following General Zia-ul-Haq’s rise to power. These tensions did not result in a complete break, as the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979 forced a reconciliation that deepened bilateral ties for the next decade. The withdrawal of the Soviet Union and Pakistan’s nuclear weapons program soon led to another rupture that persisted until Pakistan became relevant again during America’s post 9/11 assault on the Muslim world. 

This rapprochement was characterized by glaring contradictions from the start due to the conflicting core interests guiding America’s and Pakistan’s policies. America’s plan for Afghanistan involved empowering Pakistan’s enemies from the Northern Alliance while marginalizing its traditional allies among the Pashtun tribes and allowing India to establish a presence on its western border. Faced with these developments, Pakistan had little choice but to clandestinely support the Taliban despite realigning itself with America. 

U.S.-Pakistan relations cooled again after the American withdrawal from Afghanistan. They remained tepid until recently when Pakistan’s leaders reminded America of their ability to hunt down its enemies while simultaneously enticing it with access to potentially valuable oil reserves and mineral deposits. This led to a flurry of high level meetings, including a visit by Pakistan’s Field Marshal Munir to the White House and talk of a “strategic reset.”

Much like their past realignments, this latest rapprochement is mostly illusory. The enduring mismatch between American and Pakistani core interests makes a true convergence unlikely. 

To understand why, one need only look to America’s relationship with India. Recent tensions aside, the United States is committed to building a strategic partnership with India, with the goal of transforming it into a major regional military power. This effort began in earnest with the 2008 U.S.-India Nuclear Agreement. Since then, the U.S. has sold India over  $20 billion in weapons and is currently investing billions more into its military-industrial base. 

India’s military actions against Pakistan in 2016, 2019, and May of this year are a direct result of these weapons sales, which have empowered India’s fanatical rulers to pursue their dreams of establishing Indian hegemony over the entire Subcontinent. Despite the growing extremism within its ruling elite, America remains committed to arming New Delhi and has no regard for the danger this poses to Pakistan. 

U.S. support for India is part of a broader strategic agenda aimed at ensuring American military dominance across key regions. This includes maintaining a form of neo-imperial military control over substantial portions of the Middle East and supporting apartheid Israel in its quest to destabilize and weaken Iran’s government. 

America’s policies against Iran have been particularly harmful to Pakistan. Its sanctions have prevented the completion of critical infrastructure projects and hindered the development of broader trade relations between the two neighbors, limiting Pakistan’s ability to enhance its energy security and regional connectivity. Attempts to topple Iran’s government also endanger Pakistan’s future by creating the potential for violence to spill over the border and further destabilize its restive western provinces.

America’s malign activities throughout the Muslim world have had a similarly negative impact. Violence in Yemen, Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, or Libya may not impact Pakistan directly. But these countries represent Pakistan’s natural allies and trading partners. By destabilizing them, America is effectively depriving Pakistan of the regional partners it needs to develop its own economic networks and power, impoverishing and weakening it over the long run.  

America’s pattern of military interventions and coercive policies in the Muslim world is driven by an underlying strategy: to prevent the emergence of a Muslim state capable of challenging its regional dominance. This strategic calculus helps explain Washington’s persistent unease towards Pakistan. Despite their history of cooperation, the United States imposed sanctions targeting Pakistan’s nuclear and missile programs – clear signs of mistrust that reflect broader concerns about Pakistan’s strategic potential. With its large population, strategic geographic position, and powerful military, Pakistan is well-positioned to emerge as a leading power in the Muslim world – making it a long-term threat rather than a reliable partner in the eyes of American policy makers.

Pakistan’s leadership should carefully assess the historical record of U.S. foreign policy toward states it perceives as threats. Between its weapons sales, sanctions and direct military actions, America has killed millions. Its sanctions against Iraq killed an estimated 1.5 million people, including 576,000 children. The so called “war on terror” killed 4.5 million more and its wide ranging military support for Saudi Arabia’s war against Yemen killed another 377,000. Added together that’s almost 6.4 million people. America’s support for Israel’s ethnic cleansing campaign, which has already led to the slaughter of 60,000 Palestinians including 18,500 children, shows it learned nothing from these crimes and is perfectly capable of committing similar atrocities in the future.

Pakistan’s leaders have responded to the danger with appeasement. Successive governments have acquiesced to American demands by curtailing large scale trade with Iran, avoiding public criticism of U.S. regional policies, and failing to impose even symbolic diplomatic costs for Washington’s violent policies. 

Things recently took a sycophantic turn when Pakistan’s leaders nominated Donald Trump for the Nobel Peace price and gave the US general in charge of helping apartheid Israel massacre tens of thousands of innocent women and children an award. Their plan to grant American companies access to Pakistan’s natural resources is equally servile. By pursuing what amounts to a neo-colonial arrangement, the country’s leadership risks surrendering the lion’s share of wealth from potentially transformative mineral and energy deposits to American corporations – undermining national sovereignty and forfeiting long-term economic benefits in the process. 

The desire to appease America is somewhat understandable given its powerful military and violent tendencies. But appeasement that prevents Pakistan from building the strength needed to protect itself is not a sustainable or strategic path forward. 

America’s irrational justifications for its violence against Iraq and Iran offer sobering lessons. The United States sold Saddam Hussein the chemical weapons his forces used during the Iran-Iraq War, only to later use those same weapons as an excuse for a full-scale invasion—despite evidence Iraq had already dismantled them. Similarly, it backed Israel’s actions against Iran under the pretext of halting a nuclear program that Iran had already shown a willingness to dismantle through negotiations, as it did in the 2015 JCPOA deal. These examples make it clear that Pakistan’s nuclear arsenal could easily be used to justify violence against it one day. They also show neither appeasement nor even unilateral disarmament are reliable safeguards against U.S. hostility. 

The geopolitical landscape today is far less forgiving than it was during the Afghan conflict, when Pakistan was able to play a double game—supporting the U.S.-led invasion while simultaneously backing elements of the Taliban. The current circumstances do not lend themselves to such subterfuge. As such, Pakistan must chart a new path rooted in attaining strategic autonomy, rather than one shaped by the shifting goals of an external superpower. 

The foundation of such a policy must be the development of a robust regional alliance with Iran and Turkey centered on economic integration and security cooperation. By fostering such a partnership, Pakistan can assume a constructive role in revitalizing a significant portion of the Muslim world while simultaneously strengthening itself. Achieving this vision will require comprehensive political, legal, and fiscal reforms aimed at building the sort of technologically advanced, export-driven economy needed to support such an alliance. 

Until Pakistan’s leadership embraces these difficult but necessary steps, the country will remain vulnerable. While a few voices, such as Lt. Gen. (Ret.) Asad Durrani, have warned of the danger, most of the country’s elite appear committed to a strategy of accommodation. Their complacency ignores the simple fact that a “strategic reset” with the United States, absent any alignment of core interests that extends beyond resource extraction and counterterrorism cooperation, is illusory. Washington’s arms sales to India and its long-standing policy of trying to subjugate the Muslim world mean America is Pakistan’s enemy, not its friend. It is time Pakistan’s decision-makers recognize this reality and act accordingly.

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A rose by any other name

Here’s a statement most Americans will probably disagree with: America is the wealthiest and most powerful empire the world has ever known. Acknowledging that our wealth and power are without rival is easy, we just have a hard time with the empire part. Especially since we are ruled by an elected president and legislative body instead of a monarch. According to the Oxford Dictionary, that means we cannot be an empire.

No disrespect to the folks at Oxford, but their definition seems limited. Yuval Harari’s definition of empire in his book, Sapien, as “a political order” that rules “a significant number of distinct peoples, each possessing a different cultural identity and a separate territory” is a better one. Based on Harari’s description, a polity that includes territories as varied as Hawaii, Alaska, Puerto Rico, Diego Garcia, Southern California, Louisiana, and Massachusetts certainly qualifies as an empire.

Our refusal to self-identify as one is primarily rooted in our democratic ethos and the fact that we once had to fight to break free from the British empire. It also detracts from the idea of American exceptionalism since it forces us to admit our similarity to empires of the past. Despite our historical and philosophical aversion to being described as such, it seems clear that America has evolved into an empire. Without an honest assessment of ourselves, accurately diagnosing what ails us becomes impossible. And the reality is that our empire is in trouble.

We are following a pattern many others have followed. We have expanded over vast territories and built a very expensive military to protect this territory. Doing so required creating a central government with the power to tax and marshal resources on a scale that was far beyond anything envisioned by the creators of our federal system of governance. This also led to the development of interest groups with the means and incentives to push for a massive amount of continuous military spending. Just as the Romans, Ottomans, and British before us, we are slowly collapsing under the weight of maintaining our military. In fact, much of our $30 trillion debt can be traced to this spending. As this number grows, it will continue to weaken the economic foundations that are the true source of American power.      

The curious part to all of this is that, unlike the British, Ottomans, or Romans, most of our empire is easily defended. The Pacific and Atlantic oceans and the Canadian shield have always been our best military assets. Yet, our military leaders have developed a force posture and military doctrine that requires twenty aircraft carriers, over a million personnel, thousands of fighter jets and bombers, and around 4,000 nuclear warheads at a cost of $700-800 billion a year.

The size of our military traces its roots to WW2 which saw America ally itself with the Russian, French and British empires to prevent Germany, Italy, and Japan from creating empires for themselves. We did so by building a massive military capable of simultaneously fighting its way onto continental Europe and controlling the Pacific. Part of that process entailed establishing a network of forward bases throughout Europe and Asia. Once the war ended, America did not completely stand down. Instead, it found itself fighting the Cold War against its former allies in the Soviet Union. This conflict led to the entrenchment and expansion of the military infrastructure created to fight the Axis powers.

The Cold War ended over thirty years ago, but America still refused to shrink its military. Instead, shortly after the Soviet Union’s collapse we invaded the Muslim world and began building a network of bases to secure its energy supplies. As a result, our empire has been in a nearly continuous state of war for most of the past 80 years. Our war against the Muslim world is finally wrapping up but instead of talking about a peace dividend, our leaders seem intent on using China to justify maintaining our aggressive military posture.

Our military is no longer designed to defend us but to project American power throughout the world in pursuit of vaguely defined “interests.” As our mounting debt shows, the cost of maintaining our military dominance over the rest of the world is starting to add up. Instead of dealing with the reality of our worsening finances by admitting that it is time for America to finally stand down, our leaders passionately argue against such measures. Their refusal to do so will likely doom us to the same fate suffered by every other empire that has come before us, whether we are willing to admit it or not.

The author is a US Navy veteran. He usually provides improbable and implausible musings about the Muslim world and international affairs on his blog, www.mirrorsfortheprince.com.

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Introduction: The What and The Why

Welcome to my blog, “Mirrors for the Prince.” I hope you enjoy yourself and, more importantly, I hope you find the content informative and educational.

Before explaining what this blog is about, I wanted to explain its name. About 1,100 years ago civil servants and ministers wrote books intended to provide practical advice to their rulers regarding how best to govern. This genre of literary work was referred to by an Arabic phrase that translates to “Mirrors for Princes” since these books were meant to encourage rulers to engage in the sort of self-reflection that would help them be better leaders.  The purpose of this blog is also to advise the current rulers of the Muslim world based on my experiences as a lawyer, veteran, and civil servant to help them be better leaders. The title “Mirrors For The Prince” therefore struck me as an equally relevant and fitting name since each article I publish is intended to function as a mirror the rulers of the Muslim world can use to help them reflect on the governments they have created. As with most of the ideas that will be presented here, the title is a fusion of Islamic and Western ideas since it also references one of the Western world’s seminal works of political thought, Machiavelli’s The Prince.  

As I said, this blog is meant to provide advice to the rulers of the Muslim world regarding what sort of policies they should pursue if they are at all interested in reversing the seemingly permanent state of weakness that has enveloped their nations. It is not an attempt to predict what they will do but to suggest what they should do. The goal is to try and spark the re-birth that the Muslim world so desperately needs by suggesting new policies that can substantially increase its power. The policies currently pursued by its rulers have resulted in the total military, political, economic, and technological domination of the Muslim world by the West, Russia, and China. The resulting instability has caused widespread poverty and warfare which has, in turn, caused the deaths of countless innocents.   

Though this blog will mostly express itself in the language of politics, economics, and history, it is truly concerned with questions of morality and basic human decency since its main goal is ending the marginalization of millions of innocent people who are suffering from violence and poverty. The analysis and ideas presented here are offered with a view towards finally creating the political and economic conditions necessary to end the suffering of these innocents. To that end, I will strive to provide the most objective and logical advice I can.   

Unfortunately, I am not confident my intended audience will heed my advice. As such, I will occasionally provide what limited advice I can to my fellow Muslims. I hope that some of my ideas will be well received by them. Ultimately, even if it’s a distorted representation, governments are still a reflection of their people. The ineffective governments of many Muslim countries therefore reflect poorly upon both their people and their rulers. As a community, Muslims must continue to search for answers to the deep-rooted issues within our societies that have affected our ability to develop and modernize. Please note that I suggest we need to modernize, not Westernize. The only way for Muslims to move forward is to begin relying on our Islamic values but in a manner that is consistent with the demands of modernity and evolution.  As such, my advice will be geared towards suggesting ideas that can allow Muslims to modernize and finally develop the technical, economic and military capabilities to protect themselves from the aggression and conquest they have been subject to over the past few centuries. My policy recommendations are based upon the idea that the excessive concentration of power by central governments leads to unjust policies that are mainly designed to further the interests of tiny groups of elites. Consequently, most of my ideas will relate to how best to diffuse power to the masses of the Muslim world so that they can determine which policies would benefit them. The underlying assumption being that political power leads to economic empowerment. The idea is to give the people of the Muslim world the power to create better lives for themselves without the undue influence of elites or outsiders who do not have any regard for the suffering their policies cause.   

I am uniquely qualified to offer my perspective because, in my professional capacity, I am tasked with critically examining relevant facts in relation to legal standards in order to determine the appropriate outcome without any pre-determined biases or preferences. Though it does not relate to the specific topics addressed here, my job emphasizes the sort of neutral and impartial analysis that allows me to objectively discuss a variety of subjects. We will see if these skills are equally applicable to the analysis of facts in relation to the theories of international relations, history, philosophy, and other various military and social sciences that govern the relations between nations and the power of nations that will be discussed here. Understanding the laws that govern how nations interact with each other is important because global peace and stability rests upon the ability of nations to work together for the betterment of the entire human species. Our technological abilities have now reached the point that humans have the potential to render the entire planet uninhabitable and devoid of life either through war or environmental destruction. It is time to come together, as a species, to develop the institutions and resources that will be needed to meet the challenges of the future. We cannot accomplish this by dividing ourselves into tribes and then condemning those outside of our tribe to poverty and underdevelopment. We must learn to work together.   

With respect to the Muslim world, this begins with a critical analysis of the relevant factors that have led to its decline combined with devising practical solutions grounded in the philosophy that humans must strive to be better and help each other. Humans have the capacity for both good and evil so we must work towards creating political institutions that reflect this reality by incentivizing our leaders to work for good and creating checks on their evil impulses. Many of the destructive elements in human societies result from our never-ending need to violently confront one another over the acquisition of resources, which is a fancy (I think) way of saying: people are greedy! And it needs to stop. Instead of pursuing selfish policies that only consider narrow and short-sighted interests, people and the nations we have divided ourselves into must learn to live in peace and work together to help all of us meet the demands of the future. Unfortunately, given the current trends in population growth, resource consumption, and technological development we are not on a path that will lead to a prosperous future. We need to correct course before it is too late, and I hope my ideas will be taken with these considerations in mind.   

Our governments have forgotten the basic concepts of human decency and morality that must govern the relationships between all people. Criticism of government policies that do not conform to these ideals is meant to spur reform, not express hatred. One should not assume that criticism equals a lack of affection. It is quite the opposite. In the same way that I correct my children’s bad behavior out of love, I am also trying to correct the bad behavior of both Muslims and the West by pointing out the injustices committed by both groups. Having grown up in the US, I am both Muslim and American and am loyal to both identities. As such, my advice is intended to help both groups be better.  

My ideas are based on both Islamic and Western political thought and values. For example, my views are pan-Islamic in the sense that I argue for the unity of Muslims working together on the basis of their shared Islamic identity. But this argument is also supported by Samuel Huntington’s theory of civilizational based international competition. When I refer to the need for Muslim nations to act as brothers, I am euphemistically alluding to the need for alliances among Muslim nations but in Islamic terms, not Western terms. This is intentional because it is important to describe these ideas from an Islamic perspective since it is Islamic values that will drive such relationships. Similarly, when I argue for the creation of democratic political institutions in the Muslim world that follow Western models this is also based on Islamic notions of consultative decision making and the democratic precedents of the Rashidun.  

The Muslim world has been consumed by weakness and stagnation and it is time to correct these issues. I realize it may seem presumptuous on my part to offer such advice, particularly since I grew up in the US. Though living as a minority in the US is not always easy, overall, I feel blessed to have grown up in a country that (imperfections aside) has allowed me to live my life as I see fit. Growing up in the West has given me the freedom to develop my worldviews and the intellectual justifications for these views without limitation or restriction. It has allowed me to develop the ideas that will be presented on this blog free from constraints on my ability to express myself. There are too many Muslim countries today that prevent their people from expressing themselves under penalty of torture, imprisonment, and death. I feel lucky that I was able to find refuge in the US. Even though I have managed to build a prosperous and happy life for myself here, I also feel a duty to try and help others create their own refuges. Since bringing the world’s billion plus Muslims here is not a realistic option, the only remaining choice is to help them build better nations for themselves. All my advice and suggestions are based on this goal.   

 
Enjoy! 

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